Haiti Elections: Circus for Diaspora, More Kaka from MINUSTAH
Dady Chery




UPDATE #15, June 15, 2016. Haiti’s zombie agitators and interim-president-for-life Jocelerme Privert came to an agreement, secret from the public, on June 15, 2016. The gun ban was lifted, and in a televised speech at 6 pm, Privert said he would do his duty and stay beyond his mandate to hold the elections. This could well take him forever since he is otherwise unemployed.

UPDATE #14, June 14, 2016. With all protests from the supposed right and left probably funded by USAID, Haitians ponder the choice of two evils: an unelected interim-president-for-life versus a zombie-president to be arranged. Meanwhile a list of zombie-mayors (from the PHTK, KID, and BOUCLIER parties) was announced on June 13, and the zombie-parliament continues to behave as if it has a mandate to run the country. Haiti is once again under curfew and all gun licenses have been suspended. On the other hand, there’s still plenty of salt.

UPDATE #13, June 8, 2016. In an extraordinary show of chutzpah, the European Union’s Election Observation Mission in Haiti, which should be called to account for its probable participation in the recent electoral fraud, declared that the annulment of Haiti’s October 25, 2015 zombi elections was “unjustified.” The head of the mission, the Spanish politician Elena Valenciano [Might she be related to Rafael Blasco, who is serving 6 1/2 years in prison for committing conspiracy charity fraud in Nicaragua and Haiti?] said that the work of Haiti’s Independent Committee for Electoral Evaluation and Verification (CIEVE) “includes numerous factual, legal, and conceptual weaknesses.” Shortly thereafter, Federica Mogherini, EU High Representative and Vice President, said that the Election Observation Mission in Haiti would shut down. It is no coincidence that this happened within hours or Hillary Clinton’s win in the California primaries. This is a cynical estimate that, from now on, all possible fraud by the so-called Friends of Haiti can be covered up.


Elena Valenciano (Credit: Nacho Gomez).

UPDATE #12, June 3, 2016. Haiti’s elections of October 25, 2015 have been invalidated. An Independent Committee for Electoral Evaluation and Verification (CIEVE, or Commission Indépendante d’Evaluation et de Vérification Electorale) has examined about 25 percent of the ballots and attributed the problems to fake ID cards, fake fingerprints, and crooked polling station personnel, who probably cast most of the fraudulent votes. In particular, CIEVE verified 1,112,600 votes, of which 628,000 (i.e. 56 percent) were untraceable to any person, and 180,250 (i.e. 16 percent) were outright fakes. In other words, more than 70 percent of the votes were cast by zombies! About 77 percent of the supposed fingerprints were blots and not fingerprints at all; of the 23 percent that were fingerprints, 0.13 percent appeared more than once. The election personnel and observers involved in Haiti’s massively fraudulent plebiscite, in which only 6 percent of the eligible voters participated and 19 percent were fabricated, will be prosecuted.

Having learned its lesson about votes that can be verified, the international community now clamors for electronic voting and a retake of the presidential elections as soon as possible, while it keeps its silence about the fraudulent mayors, senators, and MPs who were elected by the same zombies. These fraudulent legislators have already chosen a prime minister in contravention to the Haitian Constitution, since only an elected president should nominate a prime minister. Therefore, even if Haiti soon conducts zombie-free presidential elections, which is highly unlikely, the next president will be one in name only, and a zombies’ parliament and prime minister will run the country.

UPDATE #11, March 18, 2016. After more than a month of Jocelerme Privert’s rule, the mood of his foreign handlers has changed from celebration to concern. Their midnight agreement of February 5-6 looks dead as a doornail. Haiti’s major political parties insist on the formation of a Committee of Electoral Verification and a financial audit of the Martelly regime, which stopped making the payments on its PetroCaribe debt in July 2015.

Assistant Secretary General Visits Haiti on Election Day

UPDATE #10, February 14, 2016. As a Valentine’s day gift to itself and the international community, Haiti’s fraudulent parliament elected as Interim President of the Republic the same speaker of the senate who signed a deal with OAS and Martelly on February 5, 2016 and who has since then headed the search committee for an interim president. Jocelerme Privert holds as a badge of honor the fact that he was imprisoned in 2004-2006, without noting that this was for allegedly ordering a massacre in the city of Saint-Marc. The 62-year-old, who was trained as an accountant, has always stayed close to the money. Before his senate gig, he was director general of taxation, secretary of state for finance, and minister of the interior in Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s administration, during which the country’s customs tax collection was outsourced to the Swiss company, Societe Generale de Surveillance SA (SGS). Privert took an IMF-sponsored course in public finance in Washington, DC in 1992. At the beginning of the session on February 2016 in which Jocelerme Privert was (s)elected interim president of Haiti, for his safety, the moderating senator demanded that all the MPs and senators be disarmed. Two sets of written votes were taken on three applicants before the assembly got the right interim president. According to Haiti Libre, one of the ballots was marked “merde.”

UPDATE #9, February 7, 2016. Michel Martelly’s failure to hold two rounds of legislative and local elections, and his departure today, leave Haiti with no president, no legislature, no local executives (mayors, governors), and a bogus prime minister who was imposed by decree. If Martelly is remembered at all in a few years, it will be for being the dictator of Haiti who was most servile to a foreign occupation. The popular revolt has put a wrench into at least two of his plans: he will decidedly not get his own city, and he will not be able to install his successor in rigged elections. The struggle continues.

UPDATE #8, February 1, 2016. In an attempt to bypass Haiti’s opposition Group of 8 (G-8), the US and France, together with their propagandist press and their lackeys from the OAS and MINUSTAH, are working to legitimize the parliament that came out of the fraudulent elections of August 9 and October 25, 2015. They have told this bogus parliament and Martelly who the next Haitian prime minister should be. The plan is to replace their previous pick, Evans Paul, with this stooge, who would then administer Haiti through the next round of fraudulent elections. For sure, Reuters, AP, and Miami Herald are on standby, waiting to trumpet the resignation of Evans Paul and other results of these supposedly “purely Haitian” negotiations. Haitians are not having it and plan to hit the streets again from Wednesday to Saturday, February 4-7, 2016 to block any and all assemblies of the fraudulent parliament. Recall that most of this parliament comes from the October 25 elections, where an initial verification of a group of ballots showed that 57 percent of the voting records had no signature or digital print, and 47 percent had fake ID numbers.


Road blocked by protesters in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, February 6, 2016 (Credit: Bahare Khodabande).

UPDATE #7, January 22, 2016. After an expenditure of more than $100 million to rent Haiti, the second-round elections, last scheduled for Sunday, January 24, 2016, have been indefinitely postponed. The international community is “concerned,” “troubled,” “worried,” etc. (how many ways can one say scared s#@*less?) that its electoral coup has failed. The corrupt Interim Electoral Council, which is now down to four out of its nine members because of the resignations of human rights representative Jacceus Joseph and press representative Pierre Manigat Jr. on January 22, gave the “deterioration of security,” like, for instance, burning of electoral buildings and people taking up arms, as its main problems. It said it could not guarantee the security of the voters (for its only presidential candidate). For when, the next attempt at scooping up Haiti? So many anniversaries to dodge, like the February 7 ousting of Jean-Claude Duvalier, or the leap-year February 29 kidnapping of Aristide, May 18 Flag Day, etc. There is already talk of carnival 2016: very bad idea.

UPDATE #6, January 19, 2016. Haiti, which looked like such an appetizing morsel not so long ago, is stuck down the throats of the international community in this Hillary Clinton election year. The UN-sponsored Interim Electoral Commission has imploded and lost four out of its nine members. The second-placed presidential candidate, Jude Célestin, has called for a boycott of the second round of the elections. “Whoever participates in this second-round of January 24 is a traitor to the nation. History will take its pen to note the name of this Conzé…. They are so comfortable; they’re throwing rocks without even hiding their hands. When it all goes wrong, they’ll say ‘this couldn’t happen to us; Haitians must learn to live together….’ Help me stop this electoral coup d’état!” he urged. More than six human rights and political organizations have announced that they will not monitor the elections or participate in them.

UPDATE #5, January 14, 2016. While a group of Haiti’s presidential candidates continue to agitate for a recount and a provisional government to hold free and fair elections, Haiti’s occupation President Michel Martelly has given a 93 percent salary raise to the corrupt electoral council (CEP), designated Sunday, January 24, 2016 as the date for the runoff elections, and decreed the legislative and local elections of August 9 and October 25, 2015 as being valid. Ordinarily, new legislators are validated by the existing legislators, but the latter lack a quorum. A meeting of Haiti’s infamous 50th legislature has so far been impossible.

UPDATE #4, January 5, 2016. The next round of Haiti’s election fiasco, previously scheduled for Sunday, December 27, 2015 and then January 17, 2016, has been pushed to January 24, 2016, although there has been no report on the charges of fraud in the previous rounds. A group of eight candidates, including the official second-place winner in the first-round presidential elections, continues to insist on a vote recount by an independent commission. According to the center that tabulated the October 25 votes, 57 percent of the voting records had no signature or digital print, and 47 percent had fake ID numbers.


UPDATE #3, December 27, 2015. After a two-month long campaign to keep Haiti’s elections in the news, in the face of widespread voter cynicism, the Interim Electoral Council (CEP) announced on December 21, 2015 that it had indefinitely postponed Haiti’s local, parliamentary, and presidential elections. In response to pressure from politicians who had clamored for an independent commission to recount the vote, Haiti’s occupation President Michel Martelly decreed the formation of a non-independent National Commission of Electoral Verification, which is widely called the Father Christmas Commission.

UPDATE #2, December 12, 2015. Jacseus Joseph, who represents the human rights sector in the nine-member Interim Electoral Council (CEP), said in a December 10 interview on Radio Metropole that he refused to sign the October 25, 2015 election results because he doubted that the process had respected the popular vote. “There was fraud in the electoral process,” he told Le Nouvelliste, in a November 27 interview. He has not resigned from the CEP but has essentially stopped his participation. On September 30, Nehemie Joseph, the CEP member who represented the Vodou sector, resigned for similar reasons. On January 5, 2016, Ricardo Augustin, the CEP representative of the Catholic Church resigned, without stating his reason.

UPDATE #1, November 14, 2015. According to the preliminary results of the presidential elections from the CEP, about 26 percent of voters showed up for the first-round presidential elections and second-round legislative elections. In the presidential elections, 33 percent of the votes went to Jovenel Moise, Martelly’s pick for the PHTK and an unknown until the elections; 25 percent went to Jude Celestin, Preval’s pick, who had been cheated of the previous elections by Martelly, when Martelly did not even have a party; 14 percent went to Moise Jean Charles, previously an opposition senator for the north and currently the leader of the party Pitit Desalin; and 7.0 percent went to Maryse Narcisse, Aristide’s pick and the leader of Lavalas.

While Jovenel Moise more or less declared himself to be president, the other candidates cried fowl, wrote open letters of protests (although only Narcisse and a much lower-ranked candidate filed formal protests), organized marches, and called for an independent commission to verify the election results. The rest has been a daily offering of accusations, denials, and intrigues reminiscent of a poorly scripted reality show. In particular, the CEP has found more and more invalid ballots, and the UN, which was responsible for transporting the ballots from the polling stations to the computation center, has been accused of replacing the ballot boxes. It is especially unfortunate that several people lost their lives for this masquerade, including Pitit Desalin logistics director Maxo Gaspard, who was shot several times in the head by the BOID branch of the Haitian National Police, according to several witnesses. At least 20 other people, mostly from Pitit Desalin, have been arrested and discarded into Haiti’s prisons.

With all the brouhaha about the presidential elections, contests of the legislative elections have gone largely unheard. The Senate seats have been distributed among people who are famous for being crooked, or just plain famous and without any legislative experience, from a variety of parties. In the House, curiously nearly all the incumbent and opposition MPs lost their posts, including the previous speakers. They have been replaced predominantly by individuals from Martelly’s cult of personality PHTK party and the related parties Bouclier, Ayiti ann Aksyon (AAA), and KID, which together already account for 44 out of 119 seats.

Peruvian peacekeepers from the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) unload electoral material from a UN helicopter in a mountainous region outside Port-au-Prince, Haiti for the second round of senatorial elections. The peacekeepers are tasked with providing a secure environment for the electoral process and to ensure the safety of the population and the ballots.24/Jun/2009. Port-au-Prince, Haiti. UN Photo/Logan Abassi. www.un.org/av/photo/

By Dady Chery

Haiti Chery

Haiti has no government. Of the 1,500 elected officials who populated the country’s political life in 2011, the only one left is Michel Martelly, if one overlooks the fact that he was brought to power in rigged elections. Five years have have come and gone since Haiti’s last elections. Two cycles of legislative and municipal elections have passed and been neglected; consequently the parliament was dissolved on January 12, 2015. Plenty of damage has been done to Haiti’s agricultural economy, but the international community is at an impasse with regard to the country’s minerals. They cannot carry off Haiti’s gold without either some semblance of legitimacy or the exercise of brute force. There were too many protests in fall 2014 and early 2015. Even the carnival, a soccer tournament, and a juicy sex scandal, the usually guaranteed distractions, have failed. It is time for elections.

The electoral calendar is as follows:

  • August 9, 2015 – First round of the legislative elections.
  • October 25, 2015 – Second-round of legislative elections; local elections; first round of presidential elections.
  • December 27, 2015 – Second round of presidential elections.


Compared to the $5-million 2010 fiasco, this time around, it will cost about 10 times more money to rent Haiti. Of the $50-60 million anticipated expenditure for the 2015 (s)elections, $37.9 million were confirmed by June 1, 2015, with the following breakdown:

 Donor  Amount (million)  Percent (%)
 Haiti and US = US  $20.3  53
 European Union     6.8  18
 Canada     5.3  14
 Japan     4.5  12
 Brazil     1.0    3



The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) will manage all the funds. As before, the Organization of American States (OAS) and others will be paid handsomely to monitor the elections. If they found them to be free and fair back in 2011, when the most popular political party, Fanmi Lavalas, was banned from the elections, they will surely find them to be flawless now that they are being paid even more money. In the August 9, 2015 legislative elections, 30,000 observers from 70 national and international organizations, under armed guard from 9,000 MINUSTAH agents and Haitian police, were supposed to monitor the election personnel of 4,000 supervisors and 41,175 members. Eyewitnesses said these observers could hardly be seen anywhere that day, except in Haiti’s wealthiest neighborhoods. Nice work if you can get it.

There were initially more than 100 political parties, with 2,029 candidates for the legislature and 70 candidates for the presidency. This included some whose Haitian citizenship was dubious. Furthermore, over 30 candidates for the Lower House and four candidates for the Senate were alleged criminals who appeared to be seeking the cover of Haiti’s immunity laws, which protect candidates and elected legislators from prosecution by the State.



From the start, it was clear that the legislative and local elections would be stolen or, shall we say, bought. In a systematic campaign of gerrymandering, the beach towns in the country’s north and south, and other touristy areas such as Ganthier, which contains the famous Saut d’Eau, were redistricted without any justification. In all, 19 new Members of Parliament (MP) were added to Haiti’s Lower House, for a total of 119 seats, instead of the previous 100. Two months later, Martelly announced that five new cities would also be formed by presidential decree, to bring the total number of cities to 145; one of these would be in the area of Les Arcadins, where he owns beachfront property.


On May 15, 2015, about 1,400 of the 2,029 candidates for the legislature were accepted: 1,249 candidates for 119 MP seats, and 178 candidates for 20 senate seats. The Interim Electoral Council (CEP) in charge of the elections was accused of a lack of transparency, because it gave no explanation for the retention of 69 percent of the candidates for legislature and dismissal of the rest, except in cases where the candidacies had been formally challenged. Throughout Haiti, the rejected candidates organized protests. Route 2 to Petit Goave was blocked by stone throwing and barricades of burning tires, as was National Highway 3 of Mirebalais. In Petion Ville, the rejected candidates organized a sit-in. Curiously, despite these difficulties for other candidates, it took more than one challenge to annul the candidacy of Michel Martelly’s wife, Sophia Saint-Remy Martelly, for senator, although she had been born in New York and had traveled for many years on a US passport.

Members of the Jordanian Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) team of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH) take position during a drug seizure exercise. 22/Dec/2008. UN Photo/Marco Dormino. http://www.unmultimedia.org/photo/

According to AlterPresse, in the run up to the August 9 legislative elections, about 10 people were beaten, 26 injured by gunshots, and five killed. Among the dead were three campaign workers from the Verite party, who were shot by assassins on motorcycles, and one CEP worker. By midday on August 9, one election worker, Victoria Jean-Baptiste, had been shot in the mouth, in the Commune of Desdunes, Artibonite Department. As during the 2010 elections, the candidates themselves and government people were responsible for much of the violence. An Interim Agent (Martelly appointee to replace a local governor or mayor), Carter Fourrien, was alleged to have used a weapon to injure an election worker in Belladere. Another Interim Agent, Samuel Fidel, from Ouanaminthe, was alleged to have entered a polling station with a firearm and with prepared ballots for stuffing into the ballot boxes. A candidate for MP, Frantz Moise, and five of his partisans were arrested for allegedly torching a polling station in Marigot. Another candidate for MP, Ernst Jeudy, was ejected from the elections on September 16 after the discovery that “he had been found guilty and convicted for possession and traffic of cocaine by Miami Dade County, in the US, in 1987,” according to a CEP press release.


A report from Haitian rights organizations, which deployed 1,500 of their own observers throughout the country, concluded that, in addition to the elections being entirely disorganized, there was intimidation, violence, and electoral fraud in at least 50 percent of the country’s polling stations. Voters were not organized into lines to vote and had no privacy while voting. Many polling stations opened late. Ballots were delivered to wrong addresses, etc. In at least the town of Montagne La Voute, many people could not vote because their names had been scrubbed from the voter rolls. Frantz Duval, the Editor in Chief of the Nouvelliste reported that the police had acknowledged that by noon, 26 polling centers had to be shut down in the country, mostly because of vandalism. The turnout was abysmal. In some districts, hardly any voters showed up. By noon, all over Haiti, the election workers abandoned their posts as the polling stations got vandalized. In the town of Savannette, three polling stations were torched by a group of heavily armed men. All polling stations in Saint Marc, Grand Saline, and Desdunes were attacked. In the sizable city of Jeremie (pop. 31,000), in the Grand Anse Department, the vote was cancelled. One Jeremie candidate for MP, Midrime Wesh, was attacked the partisans of another candidate. There were at least two election-related killings on August 9: one in Plaine du Nord and the other in Dondon.


Despite all this, and an estimated voter turnout of only 3 to 5 percent, the observers from the OAS and European Union concluded that, overall, the elections of August 9 were acceptable. On August 16, Haitian rights groups made public their discovery that some of the so-called election observers accredited by the CEP were not observers at all but political-party representatives who were buying votes. For more than a week, the internationally financed CEP was counting ballots around the clock and under guard from MINUSTAH and the DynCorp-trained Haitian National Police (PNH). On August 18 and 19, the CEP ejected 16 MP candidates from the elections because of their alleged participation in intimidation, including former MP Arnel Belizaire, one of Martelly’s major political opponents. The results of the elections were rejected in advance by at least eight major parties and political organizations: Fanmi Lavalas, Fusion, Renmen Ayiti, Ayisyen pou Ayiti, Alah, Mouvman Revolisyonè Ayisyen, Defile Pati Politik, and Canaan.

The CEP divulged election results on August 20, 2015 (http://www.cephaiti) that turned out to be preliminary. Even by its rosiest estimates, the voter turnout was “lower than 18 percent at the national level,” and between 5 and 8 percent in the greater Port-au-Prince area, which is home to 40 percent of the electorate. Out of 119 MP candidates, only 9 were elected in the first round! The Organisation du Peuple en Lutte (OPL) political party said that these results were unofficial because they had not been signed by the Council members. Moreover, OPL officials Francisco de la Cruz, Harry Masant, and Yrvelt Chery asserted that the CEP’s results differed from those of the tabulation center. All over the country, and especially the cities where no one could vote, there were protests, in many cases violent, and calls from candidates and voters to annul the elections. Finally the CEP officially announced on the night of September 27, 2015 that 8 out of 119 MP candidates were elected in the first round of the August legislative elections. Four of these were from Michel Martelly’s Parti Haitien Tet Kale (PHTK, Haitian Bald-Head Party), and the rest were from an assortment of other parties. Similarly, only 2 out of 20 senators were elected, both of them affiliated to Martelly: Jean-Renel Senatus, who had been Martelly’s attorney general, and Youri Latortue, who had been prime minister through the political purges and mineral-rights sales that immediately followed the removal of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in 2004.

Despite the August 9 disaster, the order to the CEP from the international community has been to proceed with the elections. The CEP has merely modified its electoral calendar as follows:

  • October 25, 2015 – Second-round legislative elections; first round of missed/controversial legislative elections; municipal elections; first-round presidential elections.
  • December 27, 2015 – Second round of controversial legislative elections; local elections; second-round presidential elections.



Regardless of which Haitian puppet is the lucky choice in the presidential elections, the Haitian State — i.e. Michel Martelly functioning with an unconfirmed prime minister and without a parliament or judiciary — has already signed a document with the UNDP that hands the country’s treasury to the international occupiers. So the UN is not leaving Haiti but, rather, preparing itself for its first exercise in managing a country.

Along with the elimination of candidates for the legislature, on June 3, 2015, the CEP rejected three candidates for the presidency: Anthony Bennett, Antoine Joseph, and Laurent Salvador Lamothe. Curiously, Bennet had not been on the list of 70 candidates. The publicity around the elimination of former PM Lamothe, who was probably a naturalized US citizen, drowned out all news of the protests about the candidates who had been eliminated from the legislative elections. Mirlande Manigat, who had been in the final round against Martelly in 2010-11, bowed out this time and warned that the elections would be rigged. On June 12, the CEP eliminated 12 more candidates: Duly Brutus, who was not on the original list of 70, plus Odule Bitol, Gonzague Day, Paul Edouard Delaleau, Jhonny Felix, Josefa Gauthier, Wilkens Colbert Gilles, Jacques Alexandre Legros, Thierry Mayard-Paul, Danielle Saint Lot, Jacques Emmanuel Georges Werleigh, and Edwin Daniel Zenny. One week later, the presidential candidate for the Verite party, Professor Jacky Lumarque, was eliminated, supposedly because he had not formally resigned from a paid post in the government; however his party claimed that he had resigned from his post, and all the necessary documents had been submitted. Another candidate, Levelt François, was rejected because, according to a CEP press release, he was discovered to have been convicted of trafficking crack cocaine in the US.


On September 15, 2015, a select group of presidential candidates (Moise Jean Charles, Jean Henry Ceant, Jean Clarens Renois, Charles H. Baker, Simon D. Desras, and Mathias Pierre), out of the remaining total of more than 50, traveled to Washington DC for a town hall meeting at George Washington University. This meeting was really an interview with the US State Department, with former US Ambassador to Haiti, Pamela White, in the audience. The meeting had been intended to be English-language only, although it degenerated into Kreyol with English translation by an interpreter. These candidates were probably in the US for two reasons: (1) to attend a meeting of the UN Security Council the next day, at which the retention of the MINUSTAH troops would be discussed, and (2) to confirm for the US that they would choose Evans Paul as their prime minister if they became president. On September 18, Evans Paul and the head of the PNH, Godson Orelus, also visited Washington and attended meetings with various congressmen, US Secretary of State John Kerry, and representatives of the OAS. The latter have organized a new army for Haiti, trained in Ecuador; currently it is called Brigade of Operation and of Departmental Intervention (BOID).

The reason Haiti’s presidential candidates are having to campaign to the diaspora outside the country is because their rallies in Haiti are getting disrupted and even shot at by irate Haitians. On September 19, when the presidential candidate, Jovenel Moise, tried to campaign in the city of Limbe (North Department), unidentified gunmen attacked his supporters. An attempt to hold a presidential debate at Port-au-Prince’s Universite d’Etat d’Haiti on September 29, 2015, was also a complete failure. Students disrupted the meeting, despite Professor Sauveur Pierre Étienne being the first invited candidate. The students argued that “although the university is certainly a place for free debate, the invited candidates must demonstrate a requisite minimum of morality and honesty.”


Municipal and local

For the municipal and local elections, an on-line preregistration was required, though most of the candidates lacked access to the internet. Those who had internet described the application as being a Chinese puzzle. Furthermore, income taxes and exorbitant registration fees were required of them. Politicians such as Yvon Feuille (former Senator of the South), Andris Riche (a remaining member of the defunct Senate), and Serge Jean Louis (an official of the MOPOD party) voiced these difficulties and promised to file formal complaints. Despite all this, by May 11, 2015, there were 1,006 pre-applications for candidacy. During the violence in many areas before the legislative elections, Raymond Jean-François, a candidate for mayor in the Southeast Department from the Fusion party, was attacked by gunmen in his home, and his nephew was injured.


Fanmi Lavalas

Fanmi Lavalas has been allowed to run in the 2015 elections, but the old base of this party has become splintered into Lavalas, per se, and several new parties. On May 20, 2015, Mrs. Mildred Trouillot-Aristide accompanied Dr. Maryse Narcisse to register herself as the Lavalas candidate for the presidency and said that Narcisse had Aristide’s endorsement. In January 2015, a delegation of the Club de Madrid met with Aristide about the upcoming election; the results of this meeting were not divulged. Mr. Aristide, who is effectively under house arrest, has not personally said a word about the elections. He might have refused to participate in any election while the country is under a UN military occupation: a condition that some Club de Madrid member countries, including Mexico and Bolivia, want to maintain. To dispell rumors that Aristide might be dead or incapacitated, as suggested by an article in Le Nouvelliste, on September 29-30, 2015, Lavalas organized a commemoration of the 24th anniversary of the bloody 1991 coup against him that had caused about 4,000 deaths. A march on September 30 concluded at the gate of Aristide’s home in Tabarre, where he spoke besides Narcisse.


The elections will be rigged, though ideally they must appear to be legitimate. For the presidential elections, two alternative scenarios would allow the international community to keep its hold on Haiti.

1. The Lavalas candidate will win in a landslide in the first-round presidential elections. The news will focus on the win while the rest of the elections are completely botched. As a president, she will serve merely as a figurehead, without a parliament or local government. Evans Paul will actually run the country as its prime minister, and the army will be loyal to Martelly.

2. Martelly, with his Ecuador-sponsored death squads in place, will call a state of emergency and declare himself president for life. With son Olivier in the wings as a potential successor, the international community would buy itself about 30 consecutive years to complete its project of looting and destruction.


Sources: Haiti CheryNews Junkie Post | Dady Chery is the author We Have Dared to be Free. | Photograph one by Georgia Poplewell; two by Blue Skyz Studios; photographs three, four and eight from United Nations Photo archive; photographs five, six, nine, eleven, twelve, fourteen and seventeen from Ansel archive; photograph seven from US Air Force archive; photographs eleven and sixteen from Presidencia RD archive.


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